Dear Readers,
For some reason the earlier post does not opens the comment box.
Please read the article "Why Iranians are migrating? Why asylum seeking?" and provide your comment here by clicking on "Keep Reading" and/or "Post a Comment".
To read the latest news about the crash of Iranian Asylum Seekers Boat and the Asylum Boat Orphans click here.
Regards,
Morteza
Friday 17 December 2010
دلايل مهاجرت ايرانيان
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At least 30 people including Iranians, Kurds and Iraqis are died after a wooden boat carrying up to 100 asylum seekers reportedly crashed into cliffs on Christmas Island. 42 people survived the crash. The crash occurred about 6am local time on 15/12/2010.
Arrangements would be made to hold memorial services on December 19 or 20 to "allow people to grieve" for at least 30 victims.
See the following links for details:
From the West Australian (http://www.thewest.com.au/)
http://au.news.yahoo.com/thewest/a/-/wa/8514999
http://au.news.yahoo.com/thewest/galleries/a/-/article/8515704/image/1/asylum-disaster/
http://au.news.yahoo.com/thewest/a/-/national/8526415/boat-tragedy-death-toll-climbs-to-30/
http://au.news.yahoo.com/thewest/a/-/newshome/8525736/rescuer-tells-of-boat-wreck-horror/
From Iranians of Western Australia (http://www.iranian.co.nr/)
http://iwacnb.blogspot.com/2010/12/asylum-seekers-killed-in-boat-crash.html
Following this disaster I had many calls from Australian Newspapers mostly asking why Iranians are migrating and what cause them to put their lives in danger to flee from Iran.
My explanation to this matter is covered in my writing below and I’m publishing this here myself as I understand that Australian Newspapers are trying to relate this issue to the problems in Iran only and they do not want people to see the whole picture.
Questions:
1. Why Iranians are migrating?
2. Why some immigrants are choosing to migrate as asylum seeker and coming by boat?
WHY IRANIANS ARE MIGRATING?
Studying Iranian society we can recognise three waves of immigration during the past 60 years or so, from Iran to other countries.
Wave One
The first significant wave was around year 1950 until the 1979 revolution, was triggered by Iran’s slow economic recovery and resumption of oil production after World War II. Revenue from oil exports permitted a relatively sudden change in Iranian society from traditionalism to modernization, motivating middle- and upper-class families to send their children abroad for higher education as a means of ensuring socioeconomic security and political access upon return. At the time of the revolution there were more than 100,000 Iranians studying abroad, mostly in US and Europe. After the revolution, not only did many of these students opt to remain in the West, but many of their relatives joined them.
Also included in this first period were families closely associated with the monarchy as members of the government, military personnel, or bankers. These royalist sympathizers fled during the early stages of the revolution, often with significant liquidated assets in hand.
Finally, another population that fled in this phase were members of religious minorities anticipating persecution.
Wave Two
The second wave of immigration took place after the revolution. Socialist and liberal elements were the first to leave, followed by other people who didn’t like to live under the control of a religious regime. This wave included large numbers of professionals, entrepreneurs, and academics. From year 1980 to 1982 universities in Iran were closed for so called Cultural Revolution. During this time near 7000 professors teaching in Iran's higher education institutions were migrated to other countries.
Wave Three
This wave (from 1995 to present) consists of two very distinct populations, highly skilled individuals (majority) and working-class labour migrants.
Note: In fact the brain drain is one element that all of Iran's migratory waves have in common and Iran ranks highest in brain drain among 91 developing and developed countries, with an estimated 150,000 to 180,000 educated people exiting per year.
The majority of those migrating are scientific scholars and university graduates. Among the factors contributing to the brain drain are economic well-being and better educational prospects abroad. The inability of the home country to respond to its citizens' needs, coupled with high unemployment rates and a general lack of intellectual and social security, all contribute to the brain drain. The intense demand for university seats in Iran also plays a key role. Of the approximately 1.5 million people who take exams annually, only an estimated 11 percent are accepted into a university. Even after acquiring an undergraduate degree, young people find there are few jobs available. Additionally, the recent political tensions in Iran also now could be seen as a new factor contributing to the immigration from Iran.
To summaries the reasons for recent wave of Immigration of Iranians are:
1. Iran's economic crisis.
2. Deteriorating human rights record
3. Diminishing opportunities
4. Enduring tension between reformist and conservative factions.
WHY ASYLUM SEEKING?
With no doubt the situation in Iran is not good (politically and economically) and the Iranian government is known for its gross human rights abuses. Referring to the four reasons given in the first part of this article, now a day, many of educated middle-class people in Iran especially young generation wish to migrate to west seeking a better life.
However, we should note that majority of the people who are about to migrate or already migrated from Iran to another country, see their migration as temporarily. They lock their homes; pack a suitcase and going to live abroad. Most of these people even invest in Iran from their income abroad and save for the time they expected to return to their homeland. Around 95% of Iranian migrants living abroad are returning home once a year if they can. Around %90 of Iranian asylum seekers are getting Iranian Passport again and going back to Iran time to time, after 2-3 years, when they have settled in their new country.
For this reason all Iranian migrants are usually trying to use safe and legal methods for their migration.
However, immigration to Australia as an asylum seeker seems to be much easier and more successful than the legal migration (ie. Skilled Migration), which needs lots of efforts, time and money. The earlier seems to require only one-off payment to a people smuggler.
I know more than 20 couples/families that had their skilled migration application submitted 2-3 years ago and after such a long time it still not completely processed or failed for just having few points below the pass mark, or for some silly reasons. An example of the silly reason was a case that the applicant’s application has been rejected because the company he was working for was a subsidiary of a parent company that was belong to the Guardian Army Organisation. The guy was working there as engineer without knowing who actually owns the company.
The people who decide to come to Australia as asylum seeker are usually see this as very easy way to achieve, especially because they can see plenty of examples among their friends who have done this and were more successful than others who applied for skilled migration.
While skilled migrants (and other legal migrants - if their application is successful) are responsible for their own expenses and are not covered for few years, the Australian government provide asylum seekers with free place to live, free money to spend, medical health and welfare services and more from the time they arrive, and they remain under support from Australian authorities for long time. Additionally the Australian immigration policies for asylum seekers more softened recently (announced in October 2010) allowing asylum seeker families with children to be held in the community rather than in the camp.
That's why at least 5,000 asylum seekers from Iraq, Afghanistan and Sri Lanka have made their way to Australia this year, often on leaky boats from Indonesia.
To conclude I accuse not only the bad situation in Iran but also the Australian migration policies (encouraging illegal immigrants) for the death of those people who died in the recent boat crash, and I hope that Australian government change its policies and pay more attention to the legal migrants than the illegal.
Morteza Tabatabaee
Iran Cultural House of WA
Friday, 17th December 2010
Web: http://www.iraanian.co.nr/
At least 30 people including Iranians, Kurds and Iraqis are died after a wooden boat carrying up to 100 asylum seekers reportedly crashed into cliffs on Christmas Island. 42 people survived the crash. The crash occurred about 6am local time on 15/12/2010.
Arrangements would be made to hold memorial services on December 19 or 20 to "allow people to grieve" for at least 30 victims.
See the following links for details:
From the West Australian (http://www.thewest.com.au/)
http://au.news.yahoo.com/thewest/a/-/wa/8514999
http://au.news.yahoo.com/thewest/galleries/a/-/article/8515704/image/1/asylum-disaster/
http://au.news.yahoo.com/thewest/a/-/national/8526415/boat-tragedy-death-toll-climbs-to-30/
http://au.news.yahoo.com/thewest/a/-/newshome/8525736/rescuer-tells-of-boat-wreck-horror/
From Iranians of Western Australia (http://www.iranian.co.nr/)
http://iwacnb.blogspot.com/2010/12/asylum-seekers-killed-in-boat-crash.html
Following this disaster I had many calls from Australian Newspapers mostly asking why Iranians are migrating and what cause them to put their lives in danger to flee from Iran.
My explanation to this matter is covered in my writing below and I’m publishing this here myself as I understand that Australian Newspapers are trying to relate this issue to the problems in Iran only and they do not want people to see the whole picture.
Questions:
1. Why Iranians are migrating?
2. Why some immigrants are choosing to migrate as asylum seeker and coming by boat?
WHY IRANIANS ARE MIGRATING?
Studying Iranian society we can recognise three waves of immigration during the past 60 years or so, from Iran to other countries.
Wave One
The first significant wave was around year 1950 until the 1979 revolution, was triggered by Iran’s slow economic recovery and resumption of oil production after World War II. Revenue from oil exports permitted a relatively sudden change in Iranian society from traditionalism to modernization, motivating middle- and upper-class families to send their children abroad for higher education as a means of ensuring socioeconomic security and political access upon return. At the time of the revolution there were more than 100,000 Iranians studying abroad, mostly in US and Europe. After the revolution, not only did many of these students opt to remain in the West, but many of their relatives joined them.
Also included in this first period were families closely associated with the monarchy as members of the government, military personnel, or bankers. These royalist sympathizers fled during the early stages of the revolution, often with significant liquidated assets in hand.
Finally, another population that fled in this phase were members of religious minorities anticipating persecution.
Wave Two
The second wave of immigration took place after the revolution. Socialist and liberal elements were the first to leave, followed by other people who didn’t like to live under the control of a religious regime. This wave included large numbers of professionals, entrepreneurs, and academics. From year 1980 to 1982 universities in Iran were closed for so called Cultural Revolution. During this time near 7000 professors teaching in Iran's higher education institutions were migrated to other countries.
Wave Three
This wave (from 1995 to present) consists of two very distinct populations, highly skilled individuals (majority) and working-class labour migrants.
Note: In fact the brain drain is one element that all of Iran's migratory waves have in common and Iran ranks highest in brain drain among 91 developing and developed countries, with an estimated 150,000 to 180,000 educated people exiting per year.
The majority of those migrating are scientific scholars and university graduates. Among the factors contributing to the brain drain are economic well-being and better educational prospects abroad. The inability of the home country to respond to its citizens' needs, coupled with high unemployment rates and a general lack of intellectual and social security, all contribute to the brain drain. The intense demand for university seats in Iran also plays a key role. Of the approximately 1.5 million people who take exams annually, only an estimated 11 percent are accepted into a university. Even after acquiring an undergraduate degree, young people find there are few jobs available. Additionally, the recent political tensions in Iran also now could be seen as a new factor contributing to the immigration from Iran.
To summaries the reasons for recent wave of Immigration of Iranians are:
1. Iran's economic crisis.
2. Deteriorating human rights record
3. Diminishing opportunities
4. Enduring tension between reformist and conservative factions.
WHY ASYLUM SEEKING?
With no doubt the situation in Iran is not good (politically and economically) and the Iranian government is known for its gross human rights abuses. Referring to the four reasons given in the first part of this article, now a day, many of educated middle-class people in Iran especially young generation wish to migrate to west seeking a better life.
However, we should note that majority of the people who are about to migrate or already migrated from Iran to another country, see their migration as temporarily. They lock their homes; pack a suitcase and going to live abroad. Most of these people even invest in Iran from their income abroad and save for the time they expected to return to their homeland. Around 95% of Iranian migrants living abroad are returning home once a year if they can. Around %90 of Iranian asylum seekers are getting Iranian Passport again and going back to Iran time to time, after 2-3 years, when they have settled in their new country.
For this reason all Iranian migrants are usually trying to use safe and legal methods for their migration.
However, immigration to Australia as an asylum seeker seems to be much easier and more successful than the legal migration (ie. Skilled Migration), which needs lots of efforts, time and money. The earlier seems to require only one-off payment to a people smuggler.
I know more than 20 couples/families that had their skilled migration application submitted 2-3 years ago and after such a long time it still not completely processed or failed for just having few points below the pass mark, or for some silly reasons. An example of the silly reason was a case that the applicant’s application has been rejected because the company he was working for was a subsidiary of a parent company that was belong to the Guardian Army Organisation. The guy was working there as engineer without knowing who actually owns the company.
The people who decide to come to Australia as asylum seeker are usually see this as very easy way to achieve, especially because they can see plenty of examples among their friends who have done this and were more successful than others who applied for skilled migration.
While skilled migrants (and other legal migrants - if their application is successful) are responsible for their own expenses and are not covered for few years, the Australian government provide asylum seekers with free place to live, free money to spend, medical health and welfare services and more from the time they arrive, and they remain under support from Australian authorities for long time. Additionally the Australian immigration policies for asylum seekers more softened recently (announced in October 2010) allowing asylum seeker families with children to be held in the community rather than in the camp.
That's why at least 5,000 asylum seekers from Iraq, Afghanistan and Sri Lanka have made their way to Australia this year, often on leaky boats from Indonesia.
To conclude I accuse not only the bad situation in Iran but also the Australian migration policies (encouraging illegal immigrants) for the death of those people who died in the recent boat crash, and I hope that Australian government change its policies and pay more attention to the legal migrants than the illegal.
Morteza Tabatabaee
Iran Cultural House of WA
Friday, 17th December 2010
Web: http://www.iraanian.co.nr/
Wednesday 15 December 2010
وزیری که با تحقیر رفت
در حاشیه برکناری ناگهانی منوچهر متکی
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چکیده : ضعف بزرگ متکی، چسبندگی و عشق وافر و دور از انتظار او به پست وزارت بود و اتفاقا آقای احمدی نژاد هم به این ضعف واقف بود. تهدیدها و تحقیرهای مکرر متکی هم او را بیدار نکرد تا عطای وزارت فخیمهی امور خارجه را به لقایش ببخشد و یک بار برای همیشه در جدال بین "شخصیت انسانی" و کرامت خود با "پست و مقام" دولتی، اولی را برگزیند و شجاعانه از سمت خود کنار برود. متکی میدانست و بارها این را آزموده بود که احمدی نژاد وزیری میخواهد که تابع محض و بدون چون و چرای او باشد. این واقعیت، نه فقط در مورد وزارت امور خارجه، بلکه دربارهی تمام سازمانها و وزارتخانهها صادق است. اما متکی نخواست از سرنوشت پورمحمدی و دانشجعفریها درس بگیرد
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کلمه – جاوید قربان اوغلی: برکناری متکی خبری غافلگیر کننده و دور از انتظار نبود. مدتها بود که خود آقای وزیر ( البته سابق) امور خارجه، به خصوص پس از واکنش وی به اظهارات بقایی در شهریور ماه در خصوص دو نماینده ویژه دیگر احمدی نژاد در حوزه آفریقا و آمریکای لاتین، انتظار آن را می کشید
اغراقآمیز نیست اگر گفته شود تنها نقطهی روشن در کارنامه پنج ساله متکی در سمت رییس دستگاه دیپلماسی، واکنش او به اظهارات خام و ناپختهی بقایی و اولین و آخرین مواجههی او با احمدی نژاد بود
ضعف بزرگ متکی، چسبندگی و عشق وافر و دور از انتظار او به پست وزارت بود و اتفاقا آقای احمدی نژاد هم به این ضعف واقف بود. تهدیدها و تحقیرهای مکرر متکی هم او را بیدار نکرد تا عطای وزارت فخیمهی امور خارجه را به لقایش ببخشد و یک بار برای همیشه در جدال بین “شخصیت انسانی” و کرامت خود با “پست و مقام” دولتی، اولی را برگزیند و شجاعانه از سمت خود کنار برود
متکی میدانست و بارها این را آزموده بود که احمدی نژاد وزیری میخواهد که تابع محض و بدون چون و چرای او باشد. این واقعیت، نه فقط در مورد وزارت امور خارجه، بلکه دربارهی تمام سازمانها و وزارتخانهها صادق است. اما متکی نخواست از سرنوشت پورمحمدی و دانشجعفریها درس بگیرد
در سی و یک سال گذشته، هیچ وزیر خارجهای بدین شکل تحقیرآمیز مورد بیمهری قرار نگرفته بود. غیر از سه وزیر خارجه اول (کریم سنجابی، ابراهیم یزدی و صادق قطبزاده) که منصب برای همهی آنها دولت مستاجل بوده، وزارت امور خارجه، پیش از متکی، سه وزیر را به خود دیده است: میرحسین موسوی که پس از نه ماه به سمت نخست وزیری برگزیده شد، علی اکبر ولایتی که پس از شانزده سال و نیم به دلیل تغییر دولت و روی کار آمدن دولت خاتمی این سمت را ترک کرد، کمال خرازی که در ۸ سال ریاست جمهوری خاتمی و علیرغم اختلافاتی با رییسجمهور، سمت خود را حفظ کرد و حتی دو نفر اخیر پس از حضور در دولت، پستهایی را در دفتر رهبری به خود اختصاص دادند؛ امری که بعید است در مورد متکی تکرار شود، مگر اینکه جایگاهی در شورای سیاستگذاری روابط خارجی که ریاست آن با سید کمال خرازی است، به او داده شود و عضوی از اعضای این شورا در کنار سه نفر دیگر باشد
تغییر متکی اما از نظر دولت احمدی نژاد، پیروزی دیگری برای جریان اصلی دولت است. با این تغییر، احمدی نژاد بار دیگر ثابت کرد که میتواند هر تصمیم را که میخواهد، اتخاذ کند. به گونهای که سخنان رهبری در هفته دولت که به نحو آشکاری از متکی حمایت و از موازیکاری در سیاست خارجی انتقاد کرده بود، نیز نتوانست سپر بلای متکی باشد و شاید وزیر معزول امور خارجه، با اتکا به سخنان رهبری بود که آن نهیب را به بقایی زد تا به این ترتیب آخرین میخ را به تابوت وزارت خود بکوبد. واکنش توام با شعف سایتهای حامی دولت (ایران دیپلماتیک، بولتن نیوز و …) مؤید این مطلب است
در اینکه پیام این تغییر برای جهان چیست، هنوز زود است که اظهار نظری صورت گیرد.ولی به یقین جنبههای سلبی این پیام به وجه ایجابی آن میچربد، به خصوص اینکه این تغییر در زمانی صورت میگیرد که پس از چهار قطعنامه شورای امنیت و رابطهی بسیار متشنج با ایران، کشور در عرصهی روابط خارجی کشور با چالشهای بزرگی روبهروست که به عقیدهی بسیازی از کارشناسان “دیپلماسی هوشمندانه” از مهمترین عوامل برونرفت از این بحرانهاست
آقای دکتر صالحی – خلف آقای متکی – اگرچه فردی تحصیلکرده، باهوش و کارآزموده (در زمان حضور در آژانس بینالمللی انرژی اتمی) است، اما باید توجه داشت که اولا وی فعلا تنها سرپرستی وزارت امور خارجه را برعهده دارد، ثانیا توقعات احمدی نژاد از اعضای کابینه استثنا بردار نیست و ثالثا واکنش مجلس که ظاهرا مخالف برکناری متکی بوده است، از چالشهای آقای صالحی در اداره و هدایت سکان دستگاه دیپلماسی کشور خواهد بود. اینها علاوه بر مشکلاتی است که به دلیل رویکرد ناصواب دولت احمدی نژاد در عرصهی روابط خارجی بر کشور تحمیل شده است
اما در بعد درونسازمانی، کارشناسان زبدهی وزارت امور خارجه که در دوران متکی به دلیل رفتارهای به دور از شئونات و اطاعت محض او از احمدی نزاد و حتی از هاشمی ثمره مورد تحقیر قرار گرفته بود و شاهد تنزل جایگاه این وزارتخانه بودند، به یقین از این تغییر استقبال خواهند کرد و امیدوار خواهند بود که روند تخریب وجههی وزارت امور خارجه باندبازیهای ناشی از روابط خویشاوندی و شبه قارهای متوقف شود
هرچند، به نظر می رسد در دولت اقتدارگرای احمدی نژاد، تصور شایستهسالاری حتی در دستگاهی کاملا حرفهای مانند وزارت امور خارجه نیز امری است کاملا واهی و دور از انتظار و چنان که ذکر آن رفت، احمدی نژاد نشان داده است که فقط وزیری میخواهد که تابع محض او باشد و نه کس دیگری
اغراقآمیز نیست اگر گفته شود تنها نقطهی روشن در کارنامه پنج ساله متکی در سمت رییس دستگاه دیپلماسی، واکنش او به اظهارات خام و ناپختهی بقایی و اولین و آخرین مواجههی او با احمدی نژاد بود
ضعف بزرگ متکی، چسبندگی و عشق وافر و دور از انتظار او به پست وزارت بود و اتفاقا آقای احمدی نژاد هم به این ضعف واقف بود. تهدیدها و تحقیرهای مکرر متکی هم او را بیدار نکرد تا عطای وزارت فخیمهی امور خارجه را به لقایش ببخشد و یک بار برای همیشه در جدال بین “شخصیت انسانی” و کرامت خود با “پست و مقام” دولتی، اولی را برگزیند و شجاعانه از سمت خود کنار برود
متکی میدانست و بارها این را آزموده بود که احمدی نژاد وزیری میخواهد که تابع محض و بدون چون و چرای او باشد. این واقعیت، نه فقط در مورد وزارت امور خارجه، بلکه دربارهی تمام سازمانها و وزارتخانهها صادق است. اما متکی نخواست از سرنوشت پورمحمدی و دانشجعفریها درس بگیرد
در سی و یک سال گذشته، هیچ وزیر خارجهای بدین شکل تحقیرآمیز مورد بیمهری قرار نگرفته بود. غیر از سه وزیر خارجه اول (کریم سنجابی، ابراهیم یزدی و صادق قطبزاده) که منصب برای همهی آنها دولت مستاجل بوده، وزارت امور خارجه، پیش از متکی، سه وزیر را به خود دیده است: میرحسین موسوی که پس از نه ماه به سمت نخست وزیری برگزیده شد، علی اکبر ولایتی که پس از شانزده سال و نیم به دلیل تغییر دولت و روی کار آمدن دولت خاتمی این سمت را ترک کرد، کمال خرازی که در ۸ سال ریاست جمهوری خاتمی و علیرغم اختلافاتی با رییسجمهور، سمت خود را حفظ کرد و حتی دو نفر اخیر پس از حضور در دولت، پستهایی را در دفتر رهبری به خود اختصاص دادند؛ امری که بعید است در مورد متکی تکرار شود، مگر اینکه جایگاهی در شورای سیاستگذاری روابط خارجی که ریاست آن با سید کمال خرازی است، به او داده شود و عضوی از اعضای این شورا در کنار سه نفر دیگر باشد
تغییر متکی اما از نظر دولت احمدی نژاد، پیروزی دیگری برای جریان اصلی دولت است. با این تغییر، احمدی نژاد بار دیگر ثابت کرد که میتواند هر تصمیم را که میخواهد، اتخاذ کند. به گونهای که سخنان رهبری در هفته دولت که به نحو آشکاری از متکی حمایت و از موازیکاری در سیاست خارجی انتقاد کرده بود، نیز نتوانست سپر بلای متکی باشد و شاید وزیر معزول امور خارجه، با اتکا به سخنان رهبری بود که آن نهیب را به بقایی زد تا به این ترتیب آخرین میخ را به تابوت وزارت خود بکوبد. واکنش توام با شعف سایتهای حامی دولت (ایران دیپلماتیک، بولتن نیوز و …) مؤید این مطلب است
در اینکه پیام این تغییر برای جهان چیست، هنوز زود است که اظهار نظری صورت گیرد.ولی به یقین جنبههای سلبی این پیام به وجه ایجابی آن میچربد، به خصوص اینکه این تغییر در زمانی صورت میگیرد که پس از چهار قطعنامه شورای امنیت و رابطهی بسیار متشنج با ایران، کشور در عرصهی روابط خارجی کشور با چالشهای بزرگی روبهروست که به عقیدهی بسیازی از کارشناسان “دیپلماسی هوشمندانه” از مهمترین عوامل برونرفت از این بحرانهاست
آقای دکتر صالحی – خلف آقای متکی – اگرچه فردی تحصیلکرده، باهوش و کارآزموده (در زمان حضور در آژانس بینالمللی انرژی اتمی) است، اما باید توجه داشت که اولا وی فعلا تنها سرپرستی وزارت امور خارجه را برعهده دارد، ثانیا توقعات احمدی نژاد از اعضای کابینه استثنا بردار نیست و ثالثا واکنش مجلس که ظاهرا مخالف برکناری متکی بوده است، از چالشهای آقای صالحی در اداره و هدایت سکان دستگاه دیپلماسی کشور خواهد بود. اینها علاوه بر مشکلاتی است که به دلیل رویکرد ناصواب دولت احمدی نژاد در عرصهی روابط خارجی بر کشور تحمیل شده است
اما در بعد درونسازمانی، کارشناسان زبدهی وزارت امور خارجه که در دوران متکی به دلیل رفتارهای به دور از شئونات و اطاعت محض او از احمدی نزاد و حتی از هاشمی ثمره مورد تحقیر قرار گرفته بود و شاهد تنزل جایگاه این وزارتخانه بودند، به یقین از این تغییر استقبال خواهند کرد و امیدوار خواهند بود که روند تخریب وجههی وزارت امور خارجه باندبازیهای ناشی از روابط خویشاوندی و شبه قارهای متوقف شود
هرچند، به نظر می رسد در دولت اقتدارگرای احمدی نژاد، تصور شایستهسالاری حتی در دستگاهی کاملا حرفهای مانند وزارت امور خارجه نیز امری است کاملا واهی و دور از انتظار و چنان که ذکر آن رفت، احمدی نژاد نشان داده است که فقط وزیری میخواهد که تابع محض او باشد و نه کس دیگری
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By Javid Ghorban-Oghli as published in Kalame Website
Javid Ghorban-Oghli is Iran’s former ambassador to South Africa.
Javid Ghorban-Oghli is Iran’s former ambassador to South Africa.
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